Big Tech
In 2021, President Biden promised his administration would rein in Big Tech. Many of his appointees are delivering on that promise. But based on what Commerce is doing, it’s Big Tech that seems to be pulling Gina Raimondo’s strings.
Raimondo is “Tech’s favorite Biden official,” and it’s easy to see why.
In 2021, Assistant Attorney General Jonathan Kanter commented on President Biden’s promise to hold corporations accountable — especially Big Tech companies like Google, Apple, Facebook, and Amazon — for hijacking our economy. “We’re turning the page on a failed experiment” and stepping up antitrust and merger enforcement, he said.
In sector after sector, from tech to banking to transportation to agriculture, the Justice Department and the FTC have followed through on the President’s promise. But Gina Raimondo’s steering the Department of Commerce in a somewhat different direction. She’s fighting back not against Big Tech, but against regulation — and not just in the United States, but on a global stage.
Big Tech CEOs and lobbyists couldn’t be more thrilled. All by themselves, the five big-name companies brought in more than $17 billion in revenue last year, and thanks to the intervention of Raimondo and her team at Commerce, they’re poised to grow even faster. (Guess who’s going to pay for that.)
Raimondo has been called “Tech’s favorite Biden official.” Senior software industry lobbyist Craig Albright called her “a star player,” observing that “[s]he is making the phone calls, she's making the case” for the kind of toothless regulation that will help tech companies make even more money.
Source:Robert Scoble
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...Secretary Raimondo and her staff pushed the agenda of Big Tech to rig trade agreements in their favor.
- Lori Wallach, trade activist
Raimondo’s staff and advisors move back and forth through the revolving door, making big money as they hijack policy to help their Big Tech friends.
Analysis shows there are more conflicts of interest in Commerce than in any other Cabinet department: a full 18 percent of Commerce staffers work as lobbyists before their government service, after it, or both. Given Secretary Raimondo’s personal big-business ties, the Commerce conflict problem is worse than ever in this administration. And no industry reaps more benefit from all those conflicts of interest than Big Tech.
When Commerce staff become Big Tech lobbyists, they bring with them their experience about how government works, their insider knowledge about the administration’s policy plans, and, above all, their network of friendships. Deals that set the course of U.S. regulatory policy aren’t just made at Commerce headquarters on Constitution Avenue and in Capitol conference rooms; they happen over handshakes in corporate boardrooms, and over drinks in the fancy hotel bars lobbyists frequent.
And when Big Tech lobbyists take jobs at Commerce, well, they’re in a position to steer policy directly. “Regulatory capture” is what it’s called, and given the astonishing sums of lobbying cash that giant corporations blow in Washington every year, it’s one of the biggest challenges that honest regulators face.
Walking in through the revolving door...
Big Tech plants lobbyists and lawyers at Commerce so they can whisper in the Secretary’s ear.
Christopher Hoff
- Former Deputy Assistant Secretary
- Became a Big Tech lawyer
- Named Deputy Assistant Secretary at Commerce’s International Trade Administration
Cara Morrow
- Developed e-commerce policy for Facebook
- Became Director of Policy at the International Trade Administration
Luis Jimenez
- Google lobbyist for almost four years
- Named Raimondo’s Deputy Chief of Staff
Calynn Jenkins
- Worked on public policy at Amazon
- Named Raimondo’s Deputy White House Liaison
Ted Dean
- Worked as a lobbyist for Dropbox
- Became a counselor to Raimondo at Commerce
...And walking back out again
When they’ve got what they wanted out of government service, Big Tech hires them back, and pumps them for what they know.
Karan Bhatia, formerly a Deputy Undersecretary at Commerce, is now Google’s Head of Global Policy. Marcus Jadotte, formerly an Assistant Secretary, is now Vice President, Government Affairs and Public Policy at Google Cloud.
Amazon
Virginia Boney, formerly at Commerce, is Senior Manager, Public Policy. Caroline Joiner, also a former Commerce staffer, worked in Public Policy at Amazon last year.
Formerly at Commerce, Myriah Jordan is a registered lobbyist at Meta, the company that owns Facebook, Instagram, WhatsApp, and Threads.
Apple
Marni Goldberg, formerly Director of Public Affairs for the Department of Commerce, later took a job in corporate communications at Apple.
Microsoft
Courtney Gregoire, formerly the Department of Commerce’s Deputy Chief of Staff, became Microsoft’s Chief Digital Safety Officer.
Yahoo
April Boyd, who was formerly at the Department of Commerce, later became Yahoo’s Global Head for Public Policy.
Former Commerce staffers have also gone to private lobbying firms that get paid millions to advocate in front of Congress and the Commerce Department.
Arthur Sidney at Forbes Tate Partners has lobbied for AT&T, CTIA, NCTA, Oracle, Uber, Verizon, and T-Mobile
Jennifer Johnson, Partner at Covington and Burling has lobbied for Microsoft and Qualcomm
Christopher Garcia at Livingston Group has lobbied for Oracle and Verizon
Raimondo is in Big Tech’s pockets.
Raimondo’s public calendars (which she released under pressure only after months of stonewalling) make clear just how willing she’s been to listen to the policy demands of Big Tech’s top executives. When Apple CEO Tim Cook asks to see her, as he’s done 20 times — or when Amazon CEO Andy Jassy launches a charm campaign across the White House, Senate, and the Commerce Department — her door is open.
In just her first year, she allowed herself to be lobbied by twice as many Big Tech power brokers as Donald Trump’s Commerce Secretary Wilbur Ross did in four years. She let Intel’s and Apple’s CEOs sit down with her more often in her first year than either Speaker Nancy Pelosi or Majority Leader Chuck Schumer.
Tech company executives have made the case for their policy priorities to Raimondo dozens of times, including:
Apple CEO Tim Cook
20
times at least
Microsoft President Brad Smith, CEO Satya Nadella, and others
20
times at least
Amazon CEO Andy Jassy
8
times at least
Google CEO Sundar Pichai, YouTube CEO Susan Wojcicki, and others
12
times at least
Facebook execs, including CEO Sheryl Sandberg
2
times at least
Unfortunately for America, Big Tech pressure works.
All Raimondo’s sit-downs with the biggest names in Big Tech have helped steer U.S. and European regulatory efforts in the direction these giant multinational corporations want to see them go: backwards. In response to Big Tech pressure, Secretary Raimondo has advocated for a softer regulatory touch, repeatedly speaking out in the hope of weakening down attempts to put guardrails around Big Tech’s economic behavior.
When she pushed back against European Union privacy and anti-monopoly regulatory proposals in 2021, she set off a storm of criticism from Biden administration watchers. Based on her calendar, there’s evidence that Amazon CEO Andy Jassy, a personal friend of Raimondo’s who met with her three times in 2021 (including a week after her December speech), may have influenced her point of view. The EU proposals were enacted, but corporate lobbying successfully weakened some of their provisions — and helped protect Big Tech profits.
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At the very moment when progressives have found themselves in a position to begin imposing some measure of regulation on monopolies like Facebook and Amazon, Raimondo has used her position as commerce chief to defend the interests of Big Tech.
- Adam Wren, national political correspondent
Companies like Google, Amazon, and Apple — and the tech industry groups that represent them, like the Chamber of Progress — were delighted with Raimondo’s strong stance. But smaller U.S. companies, whose survival is put at risk by the size of the tech giants, supported the proposed regulations, and even helped in the drafting of them.
In Gina Raimondo’s Commerce Department, tech companies with connections can get around the law in other areas, too. Lawmakers have said that Raimondo has been too free in giving companies exemptions that allow them to sell sensitive technology to China, in violation of the regulatory intent. That’s not just an economic issue — it means Raimondo is actively undermining the foreign policy of the United States, with potentially disastrous geopolitical consequences.
New technologies mean new pressure from Big Tech for bad policy.
Raimondo’s Commerce Department is also likely to end up primarily responsible for setting safety and security standards for artificial intelligence (AI) companies — which seems dangerous, given that she’s already on record as supporting weak AI regulation. Other agencies will be involved, too, but as an AI senior executive said, “It looks like a team sport, but they’re really giving Steph Curry [i.e., Raimondo] all the biggest shots.” The AI industry is already ramping up to pressure Commerce. “Gina listens,” said Sam Altman, the CEO of OpenAI.
Advocates sound the alarm.
A Congressional report entitled “Big Tech’s Big Con” lays out the risks of letting Big Tech get too cozy with the appointees and staff who are charged with setting national policy: “While U.S. regulators and lawmakers across the political spectrum work to crack down on Big Tech’s abuses, Big Tech companies have [been]... cozying up to the Commerce Department… in an effort to pre-empt international and domestic regulation.”
Advocates calling for more effective regulation of the tech sector are disturbed by the positions Raimondo has taken. Mekedas Beleynah of watchdog group Public Citizen has said the coziness between Raimondo’s Commerce Department and Big Tech amounts to a “back door” into the government for these anticompetitive giants, which can “[e]mbolden the creeping global power of Big Tech companies” — and enable them to successfully water down regulatory proposals.
Learn more about Gina Raimondo’s harmful partnerships
Wall Street
America’s financial fat cats — like the CEOs and board chairs of shadowy banks and investment firms like BlackRock, Carlyle, JPMorgan, and Bank of America — won’t stop talking about how much they love Raimondo, who’s a former private equity executive herself.
Learn more about Raimondo's connections to Wall Street.Special interests: Big Pharma, defense giants, and more
Raimondo is “corporate America’s best friend in the White House,” one observer says. Climate scientists and union leaders can’t get in to see her, but she’s met more than a thousand times with CEOs, top executives, and industry trade groups. In just 7 months, she huddled with over 200 big-company execs — that’s more than one meeting per day.
Learn more about Raimondo's connections to special interests.